Irans relationship with kurds fighting

Kurdish separatism in Iran - Wikipedia

irans relationship with kurds fighting

One of these parties, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), had developed close relations with Tehran during the Iran-Iraq War, when it. The domestic political landscape in Iran, specifically the numerous ethnic and . Kurdish activists, including individuals with no ties to PJAK or other militants, are often Instead, PJAK claims to be fighting for the rights of Kurds in the context of . The same situation also exists in Iraq and Iran, where Kurds face constant oppression even though they are linked by family ties across borders.

Accused of engaging in terrorist activities, Kurdish activists, including individuals with no ties to PJAK or other militants, are often detained and executed by the regime on terrorism and sedition charges.

Having exhausted all attempts to achieve self-rule for their community in Iran through peaceful means, Iranian Kurds, in the eyes of PJAK, have been left with little choice but to take up arms.

irans relationship with kurds fighting

Instead, PJAK claims to be fighting for the rights of Kurds in the context of their predicament as victims of an oppressive order. For PJAK, the establishment of a federal Iran that would guarantee Kurds substantial autonomy—a goal similarly shared by other embattled ethnic and religious minority groups in Iran—would satisfy the demands of Iranian Kurds.

The conflict between PJAK and the state is not, however, a sectarian one.

irans relationship with kurds fighting

Kurds in Iran tend to share a sense of transnational identity with fellow Kurds in Turkey, Iraq, and Syria shaped by a historical memory of collective statelessness and persecution. Tribal- and clan-based kinship networks based on local allegiances have nevertheless left Kurds divided politically in Iran and elsewhere.

At the same time, the historical persecution experienced by Kurds continues to bind disparate Kurdish populations in the region under a banner of resistance. Relying on bases it shares with the PKK on the Iraqi side of the Qandil Mountain range, as well as positions and cells on Iranian soil, PJAK is waging an asymmetric campaign that combines guerrilla-style insurgency operations with terrorist attacks targeting Iranian security forces, especially Iranian police and members of the elite Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps IRGC.

Critical infrastructure, including energy pipelines, has also been targeted by PJAK in an attempt to disrupt the Iranian economy. PJAK also operates a sophisticated information campaign that includes a network of websites containing political material framed in human rights and democracy discourse in Kurdish, Farsi, English, and other languages. PJAK uses the internet to lionize fallen fighters and to demonstrate solidarity with the plight of Kurds elsewhere. Rooted in local factors and regional currents, Kurdish militancy in Iran is an organic phenomenon.

At the same time, the available evidence indicates that the persistent grievances felt by Iranian Kurds are what fuel PJAK and other Kurdish opposition movements.

Iran and Turkey pressure Kurdish groups on different fronts

In this context, if outside forces—both state actors hostile to the Islamic Republic and radical Sunni extremists—are involved, they are exacerbating an already tenuous situation on the ground. According to Iraqi border guards officials, the area attacked by Iran was not considered a stronghold of PJAK, that appeared to have been the target of the raid.

According to the ICRCmore than Iraqi Kurds have been forced from their homes by the recent cross-border violence. Earlier in the year Iranian police arrested a suspect in the killing of a prosecutor in the same region during clashes with "Kurdish militants. It was the first major incident between the two since Decemberwhen Iran took control of a disputed oil well.

The gunfight lasted 90 minutes and an Iraqi officer was captured. On July 17, the Revolutionary Guard killed at least five PJAK members and captured one named Saman Naseem, [37] in a raid that destroyed one of the group's headquarters in northwestern Iran.

PJAK claimed 21 Iranian soldiers were killed in the clashes. On August 1, Iranian forces killed 3 and arrested 4 of the militants said to be responsible for the attack, at least one of which was a Turkish citizen. In an exclusive interview with Rudaw, Haji Ahmadi acknowledged that in some cases compromise is inevitable and indicated that PJAK is willing to lay down its arms. He said fighting may not help Kurds secure political and cultural rights in Iran.

We do not wish to fight against the Islamic Republic of Iran either. Revenge for his murder came swiftly. The fighters then slipped away back into the lush mountainous terrain along the border.

Iran and Turkey pressure Kurdish groups on different fronts - International news - Jerusalem Post

Tehran has responded by shelling Kurdish bases in Iraq. Yet the Kurdish groups have continued to expand their presence, tweeting photos of their forces armed and walking through villages in western Iran.

Why Don't Syria, Iran, Iraq And Turkey Want A Kurdistan? - AJ+

The Kurdish groups have different origins in Iran. Last month an oil truck, alleged to have been delivering oil from Iraq to the IRGC caught fire in Snandaj near Marivan, killing 20 people. When police arrived to secure the scene local people, many of them Kurds, attacked the police and rioted. The IRGC has said it wants to take action against the increasing clashes.

An attack on bases in Iraq could destabilize the border. Suppressing Kurds could lead to more support for the groups.